to the Galicia Division being moved from Italy to Britain (note that these are the words of the

1947 British Screening Commission, not of Judge Deschenes):

They probably were not, and certainly do not now seem to be at heart

pro-German, and the fact that they did give aid and comfort to the Germans can

fairly be considered to have been incidental and not fundamental. (in Jules

Deschenes, Commission of Inquiry on War Criminals, 1986, p. 253)

A 1950 British Foreign Office report to the Canadian Department of External Affairs concerning

the Galicia Division was also cited by Judge Deschenes (note that these are the words of the

1950 British Foreign Office, not of Judge Deschenes):

While in Italy these men were screened by Soviet and British missions and

neither then nor subsequently has any evidence been brought to light which

would suggest that any of them fought against the Western Allies or engaged in

crimes against humanity. Their behaviour since they came to this country has

been good and they have never indicated in any way that they are infected with

any trace of Nazi ideology. ... From the reports of the special mission set

up by the War Office to screen these men, it seems clear that they volunteered

to fight against the Red Army from nationalistic motives which were given

greater impetus by the behaviour of the Soviet authorities during their earlier

occupation of the Western Ukraine after the Nazi-Soviet Pact. Although

Communist propaganda has constantly attempted to depict these, like so many

other refugees, as "quislings" and "war criminals" it is interesting to note

that no specific charges of war crimes have been made by the Soviet or any

other Government against any members of this group. (in Jules Deschenes,

Commission of Inquiry on War Criminals, 1986, p. 252)

Judge Deschenes concludes:

It is an acknowledged fact that the members of the Division were volunteers who

had enlisted in the spring and summer of 1943, essentially to combat the

"Bolsheviks"; indeed, they were never used against Western allies. (Jules

Deschenes, Commission of Inquiry on War Criminals, 1986, p. 255)

Although as we have just seen "no specific charges of war crimes have been made by the Soviet or

any other Government against any members of this group," Mr. Safer ventures to do what no one

has done before - where angels fear to tread, Mr. Safer rushes in to lay a specific crime at the

feet of the Galicia Division:

SAFER: Thousands of Ukrainians joined the SS and marched off to fight for

Naziism. In the process, they helped round up Lvov's Jews, helped march more

than 140,000 of them to extinction - virtually every Jew in Lvov.

However, the rounding up of Lviv's Jews was begun in 1941 and was largely completed in 1942, so

that by 1943 when the Galicia Division was formed, there were not 140,000 Jews left in Lviv to

round up. In truth, the Galicia Division never participated in the rounding up of Jews in Lviv

or anywhere else. To repeat: the Galicia Division was a combat unit. More particularly, the

Galicia Division saw action on only a single occasion - in facing the Soviets in the Battle of

Brody in July 1944.

Talk of the Galicia Division Induces Paralysis of the Comparative Function

The broad topic of "Paralysis of the Comparative Function" is discussed within its own larger

section below, but such a paralysis becomes evident in other places throughout this essay, as

for example in discussions of the Galicia Division. In such discussions, the comparison - the

elementary and obvious comparison - that is not made is that between the Ukrainian contribution

to German armed forces of Waffen SS troops and the similar contribution made by other peoples.

Below, I reproduce a quote from an interview by Slavko Nowytski of Professor Norman Davies,

historian at the University of London, and author of the recent Europe: A History, published by

Oxford University Press:

In discussing the question of collaborating with Germany Prof. Davies noted